Political Scientist @vuamsterdam.bsky.social
Democracy, European Union politics, Social justice, Digital governance, Political theory
I analyse the EU’s AI Act and its place in the global governance of the AI.
Examining the economy of AI + the contents of the Act, I conclude that expecting a ‘Brussels effect’ is neither apt nor useful.
….
policyreview.info/articles/ana...
You do quant text analysis? You are interested in political representation? Enjoy working in teams? Would like to live in a great city? Consider joining us in Vienna!
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Europe must embrace a “break-and-build” strategy:
“break” entrenched monopolies and
“build” its own digital infrastructure and addressing on a sector-by-sector basis
@projectsyndicate.bsky.social prosyn.org/5baiDt6?refe...
Reposted by Ben Crum
Reposted by Ben Crum
"Party Dynamics in the 2024 European Parliament Elections" can be found in the Annual Review Issue (S1) of @jcms-eu.bsky.social, page 80-90
Also other great articles
doi.org/10.1111/jcms...
Reposted by Simon Hix, Tim Bale, Vincent Tiberj , and 2 more Simon Hix, Tim Bale, Vincent Tiberj, Ben Crum, Joost van Spanje
peilingwijzer.tomlouwerse.nl
But VVD says it excludes a coalition with GL/PvdA (and PVV)
This may give centre-parties CU and Volt a pivotal role in pulling the D66-CDA tandem to the right (VVD) or the left (GL/PvdA)
So what may new majority coalitions look like?
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I'm preparing a short talk 'what to watch'
A couple of 'records' (since 1956) may be challenged:
- Smallest biggest party: 31/150 seats for VVD in 2010
- Most parties under 5 seats in parliament: 8 parties in 1982
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Reposted by Ben Crum, Michael Veale, Greg Linden
Reposted by Joanna Bryson, Ben Crum
www.mlex.com/mlex/article...
Reposted by Simon Otjes, Ben Crum
Door het effect van imiteren & isoleren verliest hij.
VVD, JA21, FvD & BBB bieden de kiezer grosso modo dezelfde migratierestricties.
Tegelijk wijst iedereen erop dat Wilders buitenspel staat.
In de laatste peiling staat hij op 34, lijkt me sterk dat hij dat haalt.
Reposted by Ben Crum
🔗https://ces.fas.harvard.edu/opportunities/visiting-scholars-overview/visiting-scholars
Reposted by Dagmar Hoffmann, Ben Crum
Reposted by Robert Huber, Thomas M. Meyer, Ben Crum , and 1 more Robert Huber, Thomas M. Meyer, Ben Crum, Karsten Mäuse
We are recruiting a #PostDoc and a #PhD candidate 🧵:
#PoliSky #PoliSkyJobs #polsci 🌐
It is about a rather steady trend of party system fragmentation, i.e. big parties getting smaller and the number of small parties increasing
To have a more open conversation I asked: How much party fragmentation can we afford in NL?
Everyone seems to assume I advocated a threshold (I did not)
No one has really addressed my question
Just as well can one argue that BBB has been part of the problem in a non-performing government.
And that Rutte never had a better performing cabinet than the Rutte II VVD-PvdA combi (while it lasted)
Happy to see more systematic evidence
I’d be curious for a substantation of the response “no limit”
Simple arithmetic suggests that it complicates the formation of stable majorities- and casual observation of NL politics seems to confirm that
But it is not just about these parties, but about this👇 landscape that triggered Simon’s original observation
If(!?) small parties are great, you can also have too much of a good thing
What I am asking is: how much fragmentation can a party system like NL afford?
1) it is democratic to keep the threshold of participation low even if you raise the barrier for success
2) find it hard to see more than marginal impact - but I may be missing options
(3) lacks incentives and I simply do not see it happening
I rather think of it as killing 2 birds with one stone. There are independent arguments for adding a regional element. And, despite your wonderful work on it, we don’t need to do everything to maintain full proportionality
+ how the ability of parties to aggregate interests internally can be strengthened
An electoral threshold may be too crude, but the introducton of districts might have the same (side-)effect
bsky.app/profile/rose...
But we can't have a party system with 1 party for every societal interest, and we can't leave all interest aggregation to parliament
This seems to rely on a limited understanding of political parties as only vehicles of interest representation and not interest aggregation - which supposedly is left to parliament