Each motive entails both opportunities and risks. Analyzing the benefits policymakers associate with FFP can help ensure that itis both strategically effective and normatively consistent - particularly at a time when we see a shift toward interest-based argumentation in foreign and security policy.

➡️ Reputation: Building a progressive reputation for individuals or parties, and appealing to voters.
➡️ Alliances: Fostering partnerships beyond traditional alliances, and strengthening one’s position on the global stage.

➡️ Efficiency: Leveraging gender equality and inclusive approaches as performance enhancers in foreign and security policy.
➡️ Leadership: Positioning a state as a progressive actor by leading efforts on FFP.

FFP is mostly seen as a value-driven, normative approach. Yet, as an increasing number of states adopt it, decision-makers are also turning to FFP for strategic reasons. In this paper, I disentangle these dynamics and explore four distinct motives that make FFP politically attractive:

Thank you to the French Embassy for hosting the event and to our distinguished colleagues who joined Chris for the panel discussion. French Ambassador Delphine O, @balnik.bsky.social from (@gppi.bsky.social ), Egzi Akarsu (The ONE Campaign), and moderator Leonie Stamm (@dgap.org).

Für die @fesonline.bsky.social habe ich aufgeschrieben, warum es aktuell entscheidend ist, dass die Bundesregierung diskursiv und materiell in die WPS-Agenda investiert – und wie wichtig die Entwicklung des neuen Nationalen Aktionsplan ist. 4/

Gendersensitive Analysen dürfen gerade jetzt nicht fehlen. Die aktuelle Sicherheitslage eröffnet neue Anknüpfungspunkte, die unbedingt genutzt werden sollten, um die Agenda nachhaltig zu verankern. Doch sie birgt auch die Gefahr einer Versicherheitlichung der Agenda. 3/

Die UNSCR1325 feiert im Okt ihr Jubiläum. Doch 25 Jahre später steht die Agenda unter Druck: Der Backlash wächst, Genderpolitiken werden zurückgerollt, inklusive Sprache bekämpft – sichtbar auch am Rückzug der US-Regierung. Gleichzeitig erleben wir die konfliktreichste Zeit seit dem 2. Weltkrieg. 2/

Would you be able to add me to the list? Thanks so much!

That's great, I'd love to be added if possible!

With Germany’s previous National Action Plan (NAP) on 1325 having expired last year, it will now be up to the new government to develop a new NAP—something that should be treated as a high priority. 5/

What *is* included in the coalition agreement is a commitment to implementing and further developing the Women, Peace and Security (#WPS) agenda and #UNSCR1325— marking its 25th anniversary this year – as well as CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention. 4/

and in what form, these strategies are continued—or rolled back entirely. It seems likely, imo, that if previous Minister Svenja Schulze continues (as media reports), she will continue implementing the Feminist Development Strategy she initiated; more ❓remain when it comes to the FFO.3/

The CDU is taking over the FFO, the SPD is retaining the BMZ. Both ministries had developed their own FFP strategy in the previous legislative period—at the Foreign Office under the Greens, and at the BMZ under the SPD. Whether Germany remains part of the 'FFP club' depends on whether, 2/