Giacomo Salvarani
@gsal.bsky.social
Political science research fellow at the University of Urbino Carlo Bo. Elections, public opinion, participation and abstention. I teach methods. Retired footballer
The regional capital, Ancona, has a turnout of 30.7% (33.5% in 2020).
Pesaro, where Ricci was born and served as mayor, has a turnout of 36.2% (from 37.3%). 35.6% in Urbino.
Potenza Picena, where Acquaroli is from, stands at 30.4%; nearby Macerata, where he was born, is at 31.3% (from 37.9%).
Pesaro, where Ricci was born and served as mayor, has a turnout of 36.2% (from 37.3%). 35.6% in Urbino.
Potenza Picena, where Acquaroli is from, stands at 30.4%; nearby Macerata, where he was born, is at 31.3% (from 37.9%).
September 28, 2025 at 6:06 PM
The regional capital, Ancona, has a turnout of 30.7% (33.5% in 2020).
Pesaro, where Ricci was born and served as mayor, has a turnout of 36.2% (from 37.3%). 35.6% in Urbino.
Potenza Picena, where Acquaroli is from, stands at 30.4%; nearby Macerata, where he was born, is at 31.3% (from 37.9%).
Pesaro, where Ricci was born and served as mayor, has a turnout of 36.2% (from 37.3%). 35.6% in Urbino.
Potenza Picena, where Acquaroli is from, stands at 30.4%; nearby Macerata, where he was born, is at 31.3% (from 37.9%).
Polls mostly show Acquaroli, RW incumbent, ahead. Ricci, ex-Pesaro mayor & MEP, leads a left-wing alliance (PD & 5-Star). By law, polls can’t be published in the last 15 days before voting. Will the result influence future regional contests, test Meloni’s strength and the opposition’s recovery?
September 28, 2025 at 7:16 AM
Polls mostly show Acquaroli, RW incumbent, ahead. Ricci, ex-Pesaro mayor & MEP, leads a left-wing alliance (PD & 5-Star). By law, polls can’t be published in the last 15 days before voting. Will the result influence future regional contests, test Meloni’s strength and the opposition’s recovery?
The period analyzed is short, for sub-national analysis especially, but some regions do show notable changes:
• FVG: Inequality rise under alternating R-L-R coalitions since 2008.
• Molise & Campania: Marked inequality drops under R-wing (Molise, 2018–) and L-wing (Campania, 2015–) coalitions.
• FVG: Inequality rise under alternating R-L-R coalitions since 2008.
• Molise & Campania: Marked inequality drops under R-wing (Molise, 2018–) and L-wing (Campania, 2015–) coalitions.
November 17, 2024 at 11:13 AM
The period analyzed is short, for sub-national analysis especially, but some regions do show notable changes:
• FVG: Inequality rise under alternating R-L-R coalitions since 2008.
• Molise & Campania: Marked inequality drops under R-wing (Molise, 2018–) and L-wing (Campania, 2015–) coalitions.
• FVG: Inequality rise under alternating R-L-R coalitions since 2008.
• Molise & Campania: Marked inequality drops under R-wing (Molise, 2018–) and L-wing (Campania, 2015–) coalitions.
• Emilia-Romagna: Governed by left coalitions since WWII, inequality remains low and stable (2012–22: -0.004).
• Umbria: Shifted to the right in 2019 for the first time since WWII, inequality trend close to ER’s stability, with a slight increase (+0.1).
• Umbria: Shifted to the right in 2019 for the first time since WWII, inequality trend close to ER’s stability, with a slight increase (+0.1).
November 17, 2024 at 11:13 AM
• Emilia-Romagna: Governed by left coalitions since WWII, inequality remains low and stable (2012–22: -0.004).
• Umbria: Shifted to the right in 2019 for the first time since WWII, inequality trend close to ER’s stability, with a slight increase (+0.1).
• Umbria: Shifted to the right in 2019 for the first time since WWII, inequality trend close to ER’s stability, with a slight increase (+0.1).