David Houston
@dmhouston.bsky.social
Assistant Professor of Education Policy | George Mason University | Education Politics, Governance, and Public Opinion
Finding 7: Most school board members say that their elections are not very competitive and not very partisan, that teachers’ unions play a small role, and that these dynamics have not changed much since the pandemic. In larger school districts, however, the reverse is true.
12/12
12/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
Finding 7: Most school board members say that their elections are not very competitive and not very partisan, that teachers’ unions play a small role, and that these dynamics have not changed much since the pandemic. In larger school districts, however, the reverse is true.
12/12
12/12
Finding 6: Only about half of school board members hold positions on polarizing issues that line up with the positions of the party that won the majority of the two-party 2020 presidential vote in their districts.
10/12
10/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
Finding 6: Only about half of school board members hold positions on polarizing issues that line up with the positions of the party that won the majority of the two-party 2020 presidential vote in their districts.
10/12
10/12
We also compared board members' survey responses to a) other nationally representative surveys and b) their communities' partisan compositions.
Finding 5: School board members’ opinions on some high-profile education issues differ from those of the U.S. public.
9/12
Finding 5: School board members’ opinions on some high-profile education issues differ from those of the U.S. public.
9/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
We also compared board members' survey responses to a) other nationally representative surveys and b) their communities' partisan compositions.
Finding 5: School board members’ opinions on some high-profile education issues differ from those of the U.S. public.
9/12
Finding 5: School board members’ opinions on some high-profile education issues differ from those of the U.S. public.
9/12
Over four-fifths of board members share the same racial/ethnic identity as the majority of their residents, but such board members represent only two-thirds of all students. Black Americans and especially Hispanic Americans remain relatively underrepresented on America’s school boards.
8/12
8/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
Over four-fifths of board members share the same racial/ethnic identity as the majority of their residents, but such board members represent only two-thirds of all students. Black Americans and especially Hispanic Americans remain relatively underrepresented on America’s school boards.
8/12
8/12
But this pattern is, again, somewhat exaggerated by the large number of small, rural, and mostly white districts. The racial/ethnic disparity is less severe when accounting for the number of students that school board members serve.
7/12
7/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
But this pattern is, again, somewhat exaggerated by the large number of small, rural, and mostly white districts. The racial/ethnic disparity is less severe when accounting for the number of students that school board members serve.
7/12
7/12
Finding 4: Nationwide, school board members are much more likely to be white, to have a college degree, and to have been a teacher than the U.S. public. These differences have grown larger over the past twenty years.
6/12
6/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
Finding 4: Nationwide, school board members are much more likely to be white, to have a college degree, and to have been a teacher than the U.S. public. These differences have grown larger over the past twenty years.
6/12
6/12
We also explored the extent to which board members' party affiliations line up with the two-party vote share from the 2020 presidential election in their district.
Finding 3: Two-thirds of school board members—representing seven in ten students—match the partisan lean of their districts.
4/12
Finding 3: Two-thirds of school board members—representing seven in ten students—match the partisan lean of their districts.
4/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
We also explored the extent to which board members' party affiliations line up with the two-party vote share from the 2020 presidential election in their district.
Finding 3: Two-thirds of school board members—representing seven in ten students—match the partisan lean of their districts.
4/12
Finding 3: Two-thirds of school board members—representing seven in ten students—match the partisan lean of their districts.
4/12
But this alignment is somewhat exaggerated by the sizable number of board members representing less populous—and presumably more Republican and conservative—districts.
Finding 2: Students are disproportionately represented by school board members who are moderates, liberals, and/or Democrats.
3/12
Finding 2: Students are disproportionately represented by school board members who are moderates, liberals, and/or Democrats.
3/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
But this alignment is somewhat exaggerated by the sizable number of board members representing less populous—and presumably more Republican and conservative—districts.
Finding 2: Students are disproportionately represented by school board members who are moderates, liberals, and/or Democrats.
3/12
Finding 2: Students are disproportionately represented by school board members who are moderates, liberals, and/or Democrats.
3/12
Finding 1: Nationwide, school board members’ party affiliations and political ideologies almost perfectly mirror the U.S. public.
2/12
2/12
October 8, 2025 at 2:08 PM
Finding 1: Nationwide, school board members’ party affiliations and political ideologies almost perfectly mirror the U.S. public.
2/12
2/12
While school districts’ initial pandemic-era school re-opening decisions were intensely partisan, subsequent operational decisions were less so
journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/...
1/2
journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/...
1/2
August 1, 2025 at 1:43 PM
While school districts’ initial pandemic-era school re-opening decisions were intensely partisan, subsequent operational decisions were less so
journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/...
1/2
journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/...
1/2
Some elements of local democracy have managed to avoid partisan whirlwind:
"Despite rising polarization, the data consistently show that partisan affiliation is not a primary factor in [school district superintendent] hiring decisions" @greermellon.bsky.social
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10....
"Despite rising polarization, the data consistently show that partisan affiliation is not a primary factor in [school district superintendent] hiring decisions" @greermellon.bsky.social
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10....
July 28, 2025 at 7:48 PM
Some elements of local democracy have managed to avoid partisan whirlwind:
"Despite rising polarization, the data consistently show that partisan affiliation is not a primary factor in [school district superintendent] hiring decisions" @greermellon.bsky.social
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10....
"Despite rising polarization, the data consistently show that partisan affiliation is not a primary factor in [school district superintendent] hiring decisions" @greermellon.bsky.social
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10....
"We find that race-related conversations are relatively uncommon [in school board meetings] but responsive to national events, particularly in politically competitive, suburban districts."
edworkingpapers.com/sites/defaul...
edworkingpapers.com/sites/defaul...
May 13, 2025 at 3:07 PM
"We find that race-related conversations are relatively uncommon [in school board meetings] but responsive to national events, particularly in politically competitive, suburban districts."
edworkingpapers.com/sites/defaul...
edworkingpapers.com/sites/defaul...
Proud to share a draft chapter from my upcoming book “The Long Division: How the Politics of Education Became Partisan”
I trace the history of US K-12 school governance, focusing on institutional changes that have made the domain more exposed to partisan conflict
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1182
1/3
I trace the history of US K-12 school governance, focusing on institutional changes that have made the domain more exposed to partisan conflict
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1182
1/3
May 12, 2025 at 3:34 PM
Proud to share a draft chapter from my upcoming book “The Long Division: How the Politics of Education Became Partisan”
I trace the history of US K-12 school governance, focusing on institutional changes that have made the domain more exposed to partisan conflict
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1182
1/3
I trace the history of US K-12 school governance, focusing on institutional changes that have made the domain more exposed to partisan conflict
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1182
1/3
Classic A.O. Hirschman question: Does the use of exit lead to the atrophy of voice?
"We find that household voter turnout in off-cycle school bond elections is significantly lower for households with children who participate in school choice"
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1186
"We find that household voter turnout in off-cycle school bond elections is significantly lower for households with children who participate in school choice"
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1186
May 7, 2025 at 1:40 PM
Classic A.O. Hirschman question: Does the use of exit lead to the atrophy of voice?
"We find that household voter turnout in off-cycle school bond elections is significantly lower for households with children who participate in school choice"
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1186
"We find that household voter turnout in off-cycle school bond elections is significantly lower for households with children who participate in school choice"
edworkingpapers.com/ai25-1186
Certainly, we should expect public opinion on the US Department of Education to polarize further along party lines (I have a recent article on this below), but I would be genuinely surprised if support for the department goes underwater.
doi.org/10.1162/edfp...
4/6
doi.org/10.1162/edfp...
4/6
March 6, 2025 at 3:11 PM
Certainly, we should expect public opinion on the US Department of Education to polarize further along party lines (I have a recent article on this below), but I would be genuinely surprised if support for the department goes underwater.
doi.org/10.1162/edfp...
4/6
doi.org/10.1162/edfp...
4/6
Key exception: endorsements of policies that diverged from the traditional position of the cue-giver's own party (e.g., Obama's support for charters). Such cues tended to shift aggregate public opinion modestly in favor of those policies. They also had nontrivial de-polarizing consequences.
January 15, 2025 at 5:21 PM
Key exception: endorsements of policies that diverged from the traditional position of the cue-giver's own party (e.g., Obama's support for charters). Such cues tended to shift aggregate public opinion modestly in favor of those policies. They also had nontrivial de-polarizing consequences.
More popular presidents were a little more effective at moving public opinion in their preferred direction
Presidents with larger gaps in their approval rating between Dems and Reps, unsurprisingly, had larger polarizing effects
Presidents with larger gaps in their approval rating between Dems and Reps, unsurprisingly, had larger polarizing effects
January 15, 2025 at 5:21 PM
More popular presidents were a little more effective at moving public opinion in their preferred direction
Presidents with larger gaps in their approval rating between Dems and Reps, unsurprisingly, had larger polarizing effects
Presidents with larger gaps in their approval rating between Dems and Reps, unsurprisingly, had larger polarizing effects
Polarizing effects were larger among those who explicitly identified with a political party, but they were also substantial for those who indicated that they merely "leaned" toward one party or the other
No meaningful variation by ed attainment (proxy for how informed folks are about these issues)
No meaningful variation by ed attainment (proxy for how informed folks are about these issues)
January 15, 2025 at 5:21 PM
Polarizing effects were larger among those who explicitly identified with a political party, but they were also substantial for those who indicated that they merely "leaned" toward one party or the other
No meaningful variation by ed attainment (proxy for how informed folks are about these issues)
No meaningful variation by ed attainment (proxy for how informed folks are about these issues)
On average, across all experiments, we found that a presidential policy cue typically did little to move public opinion in the direction of the cue-giver's preferred policies
Instead, the chief consequence was increased polarization among the public along partisan lines
Instead, the chief consequence was increased polarization among the public along partisan lines
January 15, 2025 at 5:21 PM
On average, across all experiments, we found that a presidential policy cue typically did little to move public opinion in the direction of the cue-giver's preferred policies
Instead, the chief consequence was increased polarization among the public along partisan lines
Instead, the chief consequence was increased polarization among the public along partisan lines
For each experiment, we estimated the average effect of receiving any policy cue (for the whole sample), receiving a policy cue from a president of one's own party, and receiving a policy cue from a president of the opposing party
January 15, 2025 at 5:21 PM
For each experiment, we estimated the average effect of receiving any policy cue (for the whole sample), receiving a policy cue from a president of one's own party, and receiving a policy cue from a president of the opposing party
Lastly, I determine that the sorting I observe is overwhelmingly the result of individuals switching their issue positions to align with their party affiliations rather than switching their party affiliations to align with their issue positions
8/n
8/n
November 15, 2024 at 2:58 PM
Lastly, I determine that the sorting I observe is overwhelmingly the result of individuals switching their issue positions to align with their party affiliations rather than switching their party affiliations to align with their issue positions
8/n
8/n
I reveal that, in most cases, these growing partisan gaps are primarily attributable to sorting (the alignment of one’s party affiliation and one’s issue positions) rather than polarization (increasing support for more extreme positions relative to more moderate positions)
6/n
6/n
November 15, 2024 at 2:58 PM
I reveal that, in most cases, these growing partisan gaps are primarily attributable to sorting (the alignment of one’s party affiliation and one’s issue positions) rather than polarization (increasing support for more extreme positions relative to more moderate positions)
6/n
6/n
Moreover, I show that the growth of these partisan gaps consistently exceeds what we would expect due to the changing demographic compositions of the parties alone
5/n
5/n
November 15, 2024 at 2:58 PM
Moreover, I show that the growth of these partisan gaps consistently exceeds what we would expect due to the changing demographic compositions of the parties alone
5/n
5/n
The largest divergences are visible on issues related to teachers’ unions, teachers’ salaries, the Common Core State Standards, and charter schools
4/n
4/n
November 15, 2024 at 2:58 PM
The largest divergences are visible on issues related to teachers’ unions, teachers’ salaries, the Common Core State Standards, and charter schools
4/n
4/n
I demonstrate that partisan gaps--defined as the average differences in opinion between self-identified Democrats and Republicans--on many long-standing education debates have widened over the last two decades
3/n
3/n
November 15, 2024 at 2:58 PM
I demonstrate that partisan gaps--defined as the average differences in opinion between self-identified Democrats and Republicans--on many long-standing education debates have widened over the last two decades
3/n
3/n