Theo Maret
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theomaret.bsky.social
Theo Maret
@theomaret.bsky.social
Sovereign Debt • Emerging Markets • Own views • 🚲
After the 2024 reform of the IMF’s arrears policies, it’s unclear the need will arise to play hard ball with China in future cases (see Ethiopia). And as Daleep notes, it's unclear the US – or even the IMF – currently have the financial firepower to implement his vision

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November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
Interestingly, he adds the aim would be “getting at least a couple of debtor countries to walk away from Chinese debt if they refuse to restructure on comparable terms to the Paris Club, and making a credible commitment to backfill the financing that these countries walk away from”
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
Daleep also says the CF is not working because “We have a collective action problem with the largest bilateral creditor” and “The only way to change [China’s] incentive is to have much more aggressive use of the IMF’s lending into official arrears policy”
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
In fact, official creditors already have a form MFC with the claw back provisions in CF MoUs – MFC provisions usually refer to Eurobond contractual provisions used recently in e.g. Zambia or Ghana to protect bondholders vis-à-vis other commercial creditors (incl. Chinese banks)
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
On the Common Framework, Daleep supports well-known improvements (interim debt service suspensions, making middle-income countries eligible), but surprisingly also says the DSA should be more “inclusive” (?) at an earlier stage and “we should have most favored creditor clauses”
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
As a reminder, this debate could be linked to Bloomberg reporting which mentioned that the US Treasury was criticizing the ambition of the IMF/WB “three pillar approach” to liquidity pressures in LICs

www.bloomberg.com/news/article...
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
However one can argue this should be the baseline of any IMF program, not conditioned to more ambitious reform commitment from the debtor -- adjusting DSAs for political reasons can skew the assessment and lower the ability to detect risks of debt distress
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
Guessing from recent debates, it could mean IMF programs designed around bigger fiscal space (especially as social pressures push programs off track), stronger bilateral financing assurances (Ecuador, Pakistan), or more conservative assumptions on market access (Ecuador again)
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
On countries facing liquidity pressures, he says IFIs should provide “ambitious financing and *adjusted DSAs* for countries that have ambitious reform and investment plans” – curious what this adjusted DSA would look like
November 22, 2024 at 5:44 PM
We all know the #FinSky party won't really start till Brad comes over :)
November 20, 2024 at 1:03 PM
Bottom line: good to see IMF staff summing up all these policies and their application in one document, clarifying what information should be featured in staff reports, and showing template language for all these issues as well as relevant historical cases --

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November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Appendix X sums up the IMF's doctrine on SCDIs, with a mention of the ex ante vs ex post assessment of CoT and the required buffers to accomodate clawbacks in the second case -- a debate which came up recently in Suriname and Sri Lanka
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Interesting discussion of the IMF's reluctance to have debt treatments/instruments linked to IMF conditions -- echoes the design of Zambia's Bond B (linked to the IMF's debt carrying capacity) or the non-restructuring case of El Salvador's macro-linked securities
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Reminder of the IMF's indirect stance on burden sharing: the non-respect of CoT would threaten the involvement of official creditors (e.g. because of a clawback) and hence hamper the return to debt sustainability
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
The IMF confirms its reluctance to adjust debt targets ex post, but opens the door to such adjustments in exceptional circumstances -- a problem in recent cases is that the rigidity of debt targets has been compensated by adjustments of the macro framework (e.g. NRH in Zambia)
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Neat overview of how debt targets are defined in restructuring cases -- would be good to have more details about how they're defined in cases based on the MAC SRDSF, after the recent debates in Sri lanka
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
These few paragraphs are especially important when thinking about the role of the IMF in recent borderline cases like Kenya or Pakistan
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Interesting discussion on the impossibility for the IMF to "require" a restructuring, in order to avoid legal risks related to tortious interference in private contracts -- a legal oddity that came up recently in the money time of Zambia's restructuring negotiations
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Similar to official creditors, the IMF can seek further assurances from commercial creditors with collateral, since debtor countries are unable to gain leverage in negotiations by running arrears to them -- see Chad 2021 with Glencore
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
The IMF clarifies that a country can require more debt relief than implied by IMF program parameters without breaching the "good faith" requirement, but IMF staff might then judge that a restructuring is less likely to happen -- echoes recent debates in e.g. Sri lanka
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
When creditor committees are formed, the IMF would expect the debtor to engage with them under certain conditions, e.g. when they have blocking stakes or represent different geographies and instruments
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM
Neat decision tree for the classification of claims between the different arrears policies
November 20, 2024 at 10:08 AM