The feasibility of a U.S. president like Donald Trump declaring and enforcing martial law depends on a mix of legal, practical, and political factors. Let’s break it down. Legally, martial law isn’t explicitly defined in the Constitution, but it’s generally understood as a temporary suspension of civilian government, replaced by military authority, in times of extreme emergency—like war, rebellion, or massive unrest. The president has some precedent: Lincoln declared martial law during the Civil War, and it’s been used locally (e.g., Hawaii after Pearl Harbor). The Insurrection Act of 1807 gives the president authority to deploy federal troops or the National Guard (when federalized) to suppress insurrections or enforce federal law if states can’t or won’t. But it’s not a blank check—Congress can push back, and courts might get involved if it’s seen as overreach. The Posse Comitatus Act also limits using federal troops for domestic law enforcement unless explicitly authorized (like via the Insurrection Act). Could the White House order state, county, and local police to enforce martial law? No, not directly. Those agencies answer to state and local governments, not the president. The federal government can’t just seize control of them—our federalist system keeps that power decentralized. The president could request cooperation, but governors or mayors could refuse, and many likely would if they saw it as illegitimate or politically toxic. The National Guard is a bigger piece of the puzzle. It’s dual-hatted: under state control normally, but the president can federalize it (as Eisenhower did in 1957 to enforce desegregation in Little Rock). There are about 430,000 Guard members nationwide, per recent numbers. Spread across a country of 330 million people and 3.8 million square miles, that’s thin—roughly 1 Guard member per 760 people or 8,800 square miles. For comparison, New York City alone has 36,000 cops for 8.5 million people. The Guard could lock down key cities or strategic spots, but blanket enforcement across the U.S. would be a logistical nightmare. Regular military could supplement—about 1.3 million active-duty troops—but even then, controlling a population this size and spread out would strain resources and willpower. Practically, enforcement hinges on compliance. If martial law were declared for something divisive (say, post-election chaos), you’d see massive variation. Urban areas with dense populations and strong local governance might resist hard. Rural areas, less policed day-to-day, could be harder to control if locals armed up and said no. The Guard and military aren’t trained for long-term occupation of their own country—they’re not a police force. And if orders got brutal (mass arrests, curfews, shootings), you’d risk desertions or mutiny from troops unwilling to fire on fellow Americans. Politically, it’s a powder keg. Congress could cut funding or repeal authorizing laws. Governors could counter-mobilize state forces. Public backlash—protests, strikes, or armed resistance—could spiral fast. Look at 2020: deploying Guard troops for protests was limited and still sparked outrage. Scaling that to "martial law" nationwide would amplify the chaos. Plus, the U.S. has 400 million guns in private hands—non-compliance could get ugly. So, feasible? Technically, yes, a president could declare it and move some pieces into place. Enforceable across the whole country? Doubtful. The U.S. is too big, too decentralized, and too armed for it to stick without fracturing the system—or the nation—entirely. It’d likely collapse under its own weight unless the crisis was so dire (think invasion or total societal breakdown) that most people bought in. Even then, it’d be a hell of a gamble.

Donald Trump has jettisoned the existing world order and the U.S. is backing away from decades-old alliances. Europe has no choice but to fend for itself.

Administration has framed mass deportation operations as response to violent crime

The new administration are targeting trans people because they think they can be bullied without great political pushback

Chief Justice John Roberts on Wednesday paused a court-imposed midnight deadline that would have required the Trump administration to release $2 billion in frozen foreign aid, a goal that the governme...

It comes as RFK Jr., a vaccine skeptic who now leads the Department of Health and Human Services, makes moves that could affect vaccination uptake and policy.

Many of the receipts published by Elon Musk’s DOGE aren’t receipts at all — they’re negotiated deals with vetted vendors who might do future government work.

The 10-year yield fell below that of the 3-month note, marking an "inverted yield curve" that has a sterling recession prediction record.

Jeff Bezos said that Washington Post editorial page editor David Shipley decided to resign rather than lead the opinion section under the new policy.