Pravar Petkar
@pravarpetkar.bsky.social
Researcher working on participatory democracy, constituent power and democratic legitimacy with interest in UK and India.
Prev: University of Edinburgh (PhD), LSE (LLM)
Co-Editor, IACL-AIDC Blog.
Website: https://pravarpetkar.com
Prev: University of Edinburgh (PhD), LSE (LLM)
Co-Editor, IACL-AIDC Blog.
Website: https://pravarpetkar.com
In sum, whether you’re for or against independence, there’s a conversation to be had about popular legitimacy and the territorial constitution, and the institutional mechanisms necessary for that - and one which ought to think about deeper participation and deliberation. 6/6 🧵ends
October 10, 2025 at 10:49 AM
In sum, whether you’re for or against independence, there’s a conversation to be had about popular legitimacy and the territorial constitution, and the institutional mechanisms necessary for that - and one which ought to think about deeper participation and deliberation. 6/6 🧵ends
Given that, party fragmentation (with the rise of Reform) and the FPTP element of AMS, I’m not sure 65 MSPs (a Holyrood majority) should be seen as enough to start negotiations, and certainly not as a ‘de facto’ referendum (should that argument later arise, as it did 2-3 yrs ago). 5/6
October 10, 2025 at 10:49 AM
Given that, party fragmentation (with the rise of Reform) and the FPTP element of AMS, I’m not sure 65 MSPs (a Holyrood majority) should be seen as enough to start negotiations, and certainly not as a ‘de facto’ referendum (should that argument later arise, as it did 2-3 yrs ago). 5/6
If SA 1998, s63A means anything, it’s that a mass electoral exercise is needed to secure the required popular legitimacy. I might add - given Brexit - that some sort of deliberative aspect would also be desirable to ensure inclusive discussion. 4/6
October 10, 2025 at 10:49 AM
If SA 1998, s63A means anything, it’s that a mass electoral exercise is needed to secure the required popular legitimacy. I might add - given Brexit - that some sort of deliberative aspect would also be desirable to ensure inclusive discussion. 4/6
Two questions then arise - both to do with the legitimacy question:
1. Is 65 MSPs indicative of sufficient popular legitimacy for secession to sway Westminster?
2. If not, are multiple referendums and/or a constitutional convention needed? 3/6
1. Is 65 MSPs indicative of sufficient popular legitimacy for secession to sway Westminster?
2. If not, are multiple referendums and/or a constitutional convention needed? 3/6
October 10, 2025 at 10:49 AM
Two questions then arise - both to do with the legitimacy question:
1. Is 65 MSPs indicative of sufficient popular legitimacy for secession to sway Westminster?
2. If not, are multiple referendums and/or a constitutional convention needed? 3/6
1. Is 65 MSPs indicative of sufficient popular legitimacy for secession to sway Westminster?
2. If not, are multiple referendums and/or a constitutional convention needed? 3/6
Secession would need an Act of Parliament (b/c Acts of Union), and likely a referendum to abolish the devolved institutions. Even if the Scottish Parliament and Government continue in the same form in an indep Scotland, they’re legally creatures of the SA 1998. 2/6
October 10, 2025 at 10:49 AM
Secession would need an Act of Parliament (b/c Acts of Union), and likely a referendum to abolish the devolved institutions. Even if the Scottish Parliament and Government continue in the same form in an indep Scotland, they’re legally creatures of the SA 1998. 2/6
Also critical background when looking at electoral reform for the UK Parliament, and where voters may deploy preferences in a PR-STV, AV or SV system. 2/2 🧵ends
September 3, 2025 at 11:21 AM
Also critical background when looking at electoral reform for the UK Parliament, and where voters may deploy preferences in a PR-STV, AV or SV system. 2/2 🧵ends
Wrote about the broader framework and vision for this in a HE context earlier in the year: icfs.org.uk/wp-content/u...
5/5 🧵 ends
5/5 🧵 ends
icfs.org.uk
June 2, 2025 at 6:28 PM
Wrote about the broader framework and vision for this in a HE context earlier in the year: icfs.org.uk/wp-content/u...
5/5 🧵 ends
5/5 🧵 ends
All this is to say that we have to first recognise that this isn’t a zero-sum game (employment vs civic development) but that they can mutually support each other. And then determine policy situations at all levels based on this. 4/5
June 2, 2025 at 6:28 PM
All this is to say that we have to first recognise that this isn’t a zero-sum game (employment vs civic development) but that they can mutually support each other. And then determine policy situations at all levels based on this. 4/5
However, if purpose of education (at all levels) is restricted to preparing people for the workplace, we develop the culture we have today - which has an over-emphasis on grades and graduate employment outcomes (both important in their own right). 3/5
June 2, 2025 at 6:28 PM
However, if purpose of education (at all levels) is restricted to preparing people for the workplace, we develop the culture we have today - which has an over-emphasis on grades and graduate employment outcomes (both important in their own right). 3/5
All of these things are valuable in their own right because they develop within people the skills required to flourish within society - both in the workplace and as citizens who can contribute to upholding democracy. 2/5
June 2, 2025 at 6:28 PM
All of these things are valuable in their own right because they develop within people the skills required to flourish within society - both in the workplace and as citizens who can contribute to upholding democracy. 2/5