Neil loughlin
neiloughlin.bsky.social
Neil loughlin
@neiloughlin.bsky.social
Senior Lecturer (associate professor) in comparative politics, City St George's, University of London. Authoritarianism, development, land and resources. Emphasis on Southeast Asia and China.
with thanks to Lee Jones Shahar Hameiri whose BRI work has been vital to this paper. Insights also from work of @dnsltr.bsky.social, @tompepinsky.com and many others.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
This study challenges oversimplified claims that China’s investments universally drives authoritarianism. Instead, it shows how external investments interact with domestic political settlements to produce varied outcomes. #BRI #ComparativePolitics #Authoritarianism
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
13/ BRI investments don’t inherently drive authoritarianism—they amplify existing political dynamics.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
12/ This divergence reflects differences in elite coalitions and levels of electoral contestation:
- Cambodia’s cohesive elite coalition used BRI funds to strengthen its authoritarian grip.
- Malaysia’s fragmented coalition saw BRI investments expose and amplify divisions.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
11/ Disquiet over the BRI further contributed to fracturing elite cohesion + popular discontent with UMNO-BN, contributing to opposition’s win in 2018. Competitive elections provided a pathway for regime turnover, albeit in a system still marked by patronage and clientelism.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
10/ BRI investment fed into long-term political fractures in the UMNO-BN coalition. BRI investments, including the East Coast Rail Link, became tied to corruption scandals like 1MDB and popular disquiet over UMNO-BN, as well as a factor in Malaysia's racialised politics.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
9/ Until 2018, Malaysia was dominated by the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional coalition. Unlike Cambodia, Malaysia’s competitive electoral authoritarianism allowed for real opposition mobilization.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
8/ At the same time, Cambodia's coercive and more closed variant of electoral authoritarianism offered no meaningful electoral accountability, with the CPP doing away with competitive elections altogether in 2018.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
7/ BRI projects (e.g., Lower Sesan II dam, Sihanoukville SEZ) reinforced CPP’s elite networks, was used to legitimize repression, as well as support CPP claims of "developmental success."
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
6/ The CPP has ruled Cambodia since 1979. It operates through a tightly knit elite coalition of political leaders and business tycoons, sustained by patronage and crony capitalism, underwritten by coercion.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
5/ Why such different outcomes? The key lies in their respective political settlements/underlying political economy dynamics + variants of electoral authoritarianism present in each country. These domestic factors shaped how Chinese investments shaped their political systems.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
4/ In #Malaysia, BRI investments became tied to corruption scandals, notably the 1MDB affair and broader public discontent and contributed to the fall of the long-ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition in 2018, leading to greater political competition.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
3/ In #Cambodia, BRI investments deepened authoritarianism. The ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) eliminated political opposition and entrenched its power, aided by infrastructure projects and economic resources from China.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
2/ My article focuses on #Cambodia 🇰🇭 and #Malaysia 🇲🇾—two major BRI recipients. Both countries were classified as electoral authoritarian regimes in 2013, yet their political trajectories diverged over the last decade.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM
1/ The #BeltandRoad #BRI represents, by some estimates, over $1 trillion in global infrastructure+ other investments, fuelling debates about its political consequences.
January 29, 2025 at 2:38 PM