Gustavo Couto de Jesus
@gustavocjesus.bsky.social
🧠 PhD Political Neuroscience @UvA_ASCoR
🌐 Politics of Adolescence & Democracy http://ippad.eu
📚 Social and Affective Neuroscience
🌌 Sci-Fi enthusiast
🐈 "No damn cat, and no damn cradle.”
🌐 Politics of Adolescence & Democracy http://ippad.eu
📚 Social and Affective Neuroscience
🌌 Sci-Fi enthusiast
🐈 "No damn cat, and no damn cradle.”
4/4
This research was funded by Horizon Europe through the MSCA Doctoral Network (www.ippad.eu) and conducted at the @hotpoliticslab.bsky.social and @ascor.bsky.social. Interested in the intersection of politics, psychology, and neuroscience? Let’s connect!
This research was funded by Horizon Europe through the MSCA Doctoral Network (www.ippad.eu) and conducted at the @hotpoliticslab.bsky.social and @ascor.bsky.social. Interested in the intersection of politics, psychology, and neuroscience? Let’s connect!
August 27, 2025 at 2:02 PM
4/4
This research was funded by Horizon Europe through the MSCA Doctoral Network (www.ippad.eu) and conducted at the @hotpoliticslab.bsky.social and @ascor.bsky.social. Interested in the intersection of politics, psychology, and neuroscience? Let’s connect!
This research was funded by Horizon Europe through the MSCA Doctoral Network (www.ippad.eu) and conducted at the @hotpoliticslab.bsky.social and @ascor.bsky.social. Interested in the intersection of politics, psychology, and neuroscience? Let’s connect!
3/4
Why might this be? a) Partisan identity may be less chronically active in the NL, b) Familiarity and affect toward specific leaders varies across participants, c) Lack of basic visual cues related to group membership, d) Partisanship may be constructed later, or require more political context.
Why might this be? a) Partisan identity may be less chronically active in the NL, b) Familiarity and affect toward specific leaders varies across participants, c) Lack of basic visual cues related to group membership, d) Partisanship may be constructed later, or require more political context.
August 27, 2025 at 2:02 PM
3/4
Why might this be? a) Partisan identity may be less chronically active in the NL, b) Familiarity and affect toward specific leaders varies across participants, c) Lack of basic visual cues related to group membership, d) Partisanship may be constructed later, or require more political context.
Why might this be? a) Partisan identity may be less chronically active in the NL, b) Familiarity and affect toward specific leaders varies across participants, c) Lack of basic visual cues related to group membership, d) Partisanship may be constructed later, or require more political context.
2/4
Politicians’ faces did evoke stronger N170 responses than strangers’ faces, possibly due to affective salience. Yet, we did not observe partisan differences in the P200 or N200 components. This stands in contrast to robust effects reported in studies on racial and minimal group bias.
Politicians’ faces did evoke stronger N170 responses than strangers’ faces, possibly due to affective salience. Yet, we did not observe partisan differences in the P200 or N200 components. This stands in contrast to robust effects reported in studies on racial and minimal group bias.
August 27, 2025 at 2:02 PM
2/4
Politicians’ faces did evoke stronger N170 responses than strangers’ faces, possibly due to affective salience. Yet, we did not observe partisan differences in the P200 or N200 components. This stands in contrast to robust effects reported in studies on racial and minimal group bias.
Politicians’ faces did evoke stronger N170 responses than strangers’ faces, possibly due to affective salience. Yet, we did not observe partisan differences in the P200 or N200 components. This stands in contrast to robust effects reported in studies on racial and minimal group bias.