Thanks, Daniel!

Ultimately, democratic backsliding creates incentives for both party elites and voters to unite around fundamental democratic values and finding other (non-electoral) venues to challenge an increasing authoritarian government.

Dive into the details here: doi.org/10.1080/1351...

Opposition voters' characteristics mirror these features, as two of the main drivers of participation in the primaries to select the leader of the opposition ticket, and voting for the opposition were dissatisfaction with democracy and involvement in non-electoral activities.

2️⃣ They adopt social movement-like characteristics, such as less strict membership requirements to participate in their organizational activities and a greater importance of non-electoral tactics in their repertoires.

We argue that, when faced with democratic erosion, opposition parties are pushed in two key directions:

1️⃣ They form ideologically diverse coalitions (from left-liberal to far-right, all under one banner), prioritizing a democratic frame over other ideological policy issues.

You can find our full paper "Opposition electoral strategies against democratic backsliding: the United for Hungary coalition and its 2022 primaries," coauthored with Bálint Mikola, in ‪@democratization.bsky.social‬

The paper is available here: doi.org/10.1080/1351...

Muchas gracias, Andrés! Me alegra de que estos podcast lleguen incluso hasta CEU! Un abrazo!

You can read the full, open-access paper through this link: doi.org/10.1080/0020...

Altogether, this paper emphasizes the role that individuals play in creating the relations that connect otherwise seemingly separate contentious episodes. These links may facilitate the diffusion of protest repertoires or become sites of struggle among competing ideologies.

Our findings highlight that individual agency, organizational, and interpersonal embeddedness are strongly associated with specific positions in relational fields, and particularly to the potential to overcome issue boundaries.

Focusing on the differences in their network embeddedness, membership in an organization decreases the odds of being a coordinator, as opposed to a boundary spanner position, by a quarter. While having activist friends does not significantly distinguish the two groups.

Interest in politics, as well as writing online about protests, increase the odds of being a coordinator as opposed to a boundary spanner.

Focusing on how coordinators and boundary spanners differ from each other, caring for a dependent significantly increases the odds of being in a coordinator rather than a boundary spanner position.

Having written online about protests increases the odds of occupying a brokerage position by a factor of 2.