In the wake of the United States’ mission in Venezuela - that was unauthorized by Congress - the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, Rep. Jim Himes, says Jim Jordan, the chairman of the ...

Text SIGN PZWETF to 50409 — I am writing to demand that Congress immediately reassert its constitutional authority over war and peace in response to President Trump’s escalating and unauthorized military aggression. President Trump was elected after promising to end America’s involvement in foreign wars and pursue an “America First” foreign policy rooted in restraint. Instead, his administration has launched or threatened military action across multiple regions—without congressional authorization, without transparency, and without a coherent strategy. U.S. forces have conducted airstrikes in Nigeria. The administration has bombed Iranian nuclear processing facilities and publicly threatened direct military intervention in Iran’s internal protests, declaring the United States “locked and loaded.” Those threats prompted warnings from Iranian leaders that U.S. troops in the region could be targeted in retaliation. At the same time, U.S. military assets have been staged for potential land wars in Venezuela and Colombia. Most alarming, the Trump regime has now publicly asserted that it has taken custody of Venezuela’s sitting president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife following what it described as a large-scale military operation. Venezuelan authorities dispute this account and have demanded proof of life, while reporting explosions, low-flying aircraft over Caracas, widespread power outages, and strikes affecting both civilian and military sites. Venezuela has declared a state of emergency and ordered national mobilization in response, while neighboring countries have begun taking military and humanitarian precautions amid fears of regional escalation. If the regime's claim is accurate, the forcible seizure of a foreign head of state by U.S. forces constitutes an unauthorized use of force and an act of war under international law. No president has the authority to abduct a foreign leader, conduct regime-change operations, or initiate hostilities without explicit authorization from Congress. None of these actions were preceded by a declaration of war or a specific Authorization for Use of Military Force. They violate Article I of the Constitution and the War Powers Resolution, which exists precisely to prevent presidents from dragging the nation into war through secrecy, impulse, or distraction. This is not a collection of isolated incidents. It is a pattern of reckless and undisciplined warmongering that places U.S. service members in immediate danger. Even limited military operations involve grave risk; those risks multiply when missiles are fired, aircraft fly combat missions, and adversaries are provoked into retaliation. If the United States has seized Venezuela’s president—or even appears to have done so—every American soldier, sailor, pilot, and diplomat in the region becomes a potential target. Congress cannot abdicate its responsibilities. I urge you to: 1. Demand immediate public explanations and classified briefings from the White House and Department of Defense on all recent and ongoing military actions. 2. Convene oversight hearings to examine legal justification, civilian harm, strategic objectives, and escalation risks related to operations in Venezuela, Iran, Nigeria, and the broader region. 3. Invoke the War Powers Resolution to require the immediate cessation of hostilities absent explicit congressional authorization. 4. Use Congress’s power of the purse to block funding for any unauthorized military action. 5. If hearings establish that the president has willfully violated the Constitution or federal law, initiate impeachment proceedings as required by your oath of office. No president may wage war by decree or seize foreign leaders under cover of chaos. Congress must defend the Constitution, protect U.S. service members, and stop this dangerous slide into permanent, unauthorized war.

Text SIGN PHUCNM to 50409 — The United States was not founded as a monarchy. The president is not a king, and the executive branch is not meant to operate beyond scrutiny. Our constitutional system depends on an active, engaged Congress that upholds its role as a co-equal branch of government. Oversight is not optional. It is not a courtesy extended by the executive branch, nor a partisan tactic to be deployed only when politically convenient. It is a core constitutional duty. When Congress fails to exercise oversight—when it tolerates missed deadlines, ignored subpoenas, or open defiance of the law—it does not merely weaken accountability. It weakens itself. The framers designed Congress to be a check on executive power precisely because unchecked authority inevitably leads to abuse. A president who faces no consequences for ignoring statutes, stonewalling investigations, or defying lawful demands is not constrained by law, but by personal whim. That is not republican government. It is rule by decree. Recent events have raised serious concerns about whether Congress is allowing this erosion of balance to continue unchecked. Laws have been passed. Deadlines have been established. Oversight authority has been clearly granted. Yet compliance has been partial, delayed, or nonexistent—without meaningful enforcement. A law without enforcement is not law at all; it is a suggestion. This responsibility begins with congressional leadership. As Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson holds significant authority over whether oversight is exercised or suppressed. Repeated assertions by the Speaker that he is unaware of, or disengaged from, major controversies do not absolve Congress of its constitutional role. When leadership declines to act, Congress as an institution is rendered powerless—not by law, but by choice. Congress possesses powerful tools to defend its institutional authority: hearings, subpoenas, inherent contempt, appropriations leverage, and the enforcement of war powers. These tools exist for moments precisely like this. Choosing not to use them is not neutrality—it is acquiescence. This is not a question of party. It is a question of whether Congress intends to remain a co-equal branch of government or accept a diminished role as a spectator to executive overreach. What is tolerated now will be cited as precedent later, regardless of who occupies the White House. History will not judge Congress by the strength of its statements, but by whether it acted when the balance of power was tested. The American people do not expect perfection. They do expect Congress to do its job. Reassert your authority. Enforce the law. Uphold the Constitution you swore to defend.

What a disgrace.

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