We're open to any feedback or thoughts. This project was motivated by a lot of things, but first and foremost among them was the disaster that was the BC United in the 2024 BC provincial election.

To preview our findings, we show:
(1) Provincial PID is correlated with federal PID, but distinct.
(2) Congruent PIDs lead to stronger partisan attachments
(3) In provinces with distinct party systems like QC, provincial PID helps structure federal vote choice.

In this preprint, we investigate how subnational PID interacts with our usual measure of PID. You can read the whole paper on osf here.
osf.io/preprints/os...

If people never really expected the money, then it won’t be missed (it was just an occasional windfall). If they got used to an extra payment, then it’ll be politically noticeable.

I was just thinking about this. I wonder how much Canadians took into account the rebate in budgeting and salary expectations. I suppose that’s hard to figure, but it seems important for how much they’ll miss the money.

I've been an unwaivering NYT and WaPo subscriber since moving to the US. I have always been happy to support them despite many editorials and op-eds I disagree with, for the good journalism. I have no problem with balanced editorial rooms.

Other than the NYT, what is a good paper I can subscribe to to financially support good journalism? Ideally with minimal editorial content.

It was great to work on this piece with @jengaudette.bsky.social, @sethjhill.bsky.social, Thad Kousser, and Mindy Romero - look forward to more in the near future!

We're incredibly grateful for the time and input of the election officials we worked with and believe this paper offers a model for future work. All our results are our own and don't reflect the views of any of the election officials we worked with.

Excited to see more of our work on election trust in print, providing election officials with clear scientific evidence for ways they can build trust in elections. You can read it open access here:
doi.org/10.1017/S000...

Come for the paper, but stay for the complex diagram outlining the survey flow in 5 different samples.

Additionally, videos explaining protections on election integrity in Arizona and Virginia increase trust in elections outside the respondents’ own states but the content of the message doesn't seem to matter.

We consulted election officials in Texas, Colorado, Georgia, and LA to test messages they have used to build trust in elections. We find in every case the messages are effective, regardless of the party of the recipient.